Sam
Hind, University of
Warwick and Alex Gekker, Utrecht University
Abstract:
The
automotive world is evolving. Ten years ago Nigel Thrift (2004: 41)
made the
claim that the experience of driving was slipping into our
'technological
unconscious'. Only recently the New York Times suggested that with the
rise of
automated driving, standalone navigation tools as we know them would
cease to
exist, instead being 'fully absorbed into the machine' (Fisher, 2013).
But in
order to bridge the gap between past and future driving worlds, another
technological evolution is emerging. This short, critical piece charts
the rise
of what has been called 'social navigation' in the industry; the
development of
digital mapping platforms designed to foster automotive sociality. It
makes two
provisional points. Firstly, that 'ludic' conceptualisations can shed
light on
the ongoing reconfiguration of drivers, vehicles, roads and
technological aids
such as touch-screen satellite navigation platforms. And secondly, that
as a
result of this, there is a coming-into-being of a new kind of driving
politics;
a 'casual politicking' centred on an engagement with digital
interfaces. We
explicate both by turning our attention towards Waze; a social
navigation
application that encourages users to interact with various driving
dynamics.
Keywords:
Social
navigation, ludic
interaction, GPS, casual politicking, digital mapping technologies,
automobiles
Introduction
City
streets are now a mesh of software and materiality. New technologies
are
changing the way drivers interact with their own vehicles, the wider
driving
environment, and other road-users. Satellite navigation devices -
perhaps the
ultimate driving aids - are adept at capturing, storing, tracking,
anticipating
and visualising the vast array of possible driving interactions, much
more so
than the traditional A-to-Z road atlas. But just like the humble
latter, the
former is called upon to adjudicate in everyday navigational matters.
In this article
we will look at how 'social navigation' - a term coined by the
developers of a
satellite navigation platform called Waze - is arguably changing the
everyday
nature of driving. This work aims to build on an expansive literature
that has
interrogated the evolving socio-technical nature of automobility (Dodge
and Kitchin, 2007; Featherstone, 2004; Sheller, 2007),
and continues with an
interdisciplinary sensibility befitting a world in which engineers,
technologists, advertisers, executives and lay people combine with
pistons,
onboard electronics, and social media campaigns to not only eradicate
the clean
distinctions between the production and consumption of such driving
experiences,
but also to prove further the emerging 'assemblage' of everyday
mobility (Dant,
2004). Here, then, we intend to make two provisional, exploratory
points.
Firstly,
we contend that 'ludic' approaches to analysing digital technological
networks,
such as the driver-car assemblage, can help to close any lacunae in
thinking on
the possible reasons behind the insatiable take-up of new satellite
navigation
technologies by publics around the world. By ludic approaches, we mean
any
analyses that take 'play' to be an inherent component in social
relations. As
the videogame world loses its already precarious exclusivity over the
concept,
new driving technologies premised on touch-screen interaction are
drawing on
playful mechanics in order to stimulate habitual engagement. These
range from
point-based scoring systems and game-like avatars to wholly
manipulable, editable
and mutable platforms in common with the 'sandbox' worlds of Grand
Theft Auto
(Chesher, 2010).
We
then
employ the notion of ‘casual politicking’ (Gekker,
2012)
to orientate
new understandings of the ways in which drivers engage with digital
interfaces.
This term, we believe, appropriately encapsulates the kinds of moves
being made
in the automotive industry even ten years ago, when Nigel Thrift (2004:
41)
made the claim that the experience of driving was slipping into our
'technological unconscious'. The naturalisation of the mechanics of
everyday
driving has created the conditions for a subconscious, 'casual' form of
politics; one formed through an interaction with digital devices. We
exemplify
this with reference to the social navigation application mentioned
above - Waze
- taking particular interest in three dynamics: the reporting of road
hazards,
the collaborative management of vehicle flow, and the addressing of
latent map
errors.
Ludic
Interaction: From Gamification to the Casual
The
‘ludic
turn’ in new media studies has argued that play is a fundamental
component of
all human culture, even turning up in the very domains often
'considered the
opposite of play' (Raessens, 2010: 6) like education, politics,
business and
modern warfare. It is suggested that a ludic outlook pervades all
manner of
everyday practices and all kinds of interactions with digital devices,
rather
than being restricted to a specific game space, or 'magic circle'
(Huizinga,
1955; Salen and Zimmerman, 2004). As Glas (2013: 4) suggests, this
'formalist'
separation between the play world and the 'real' world belies the
pervasive
nature of ludic activity throughout the whole of human life.
Interaction with
any kind of interface - be it a desktop computer in the workplace, a
cash
machine in a shopping centre, a mobile phone on public transport, or a
games
console in the home - permits ludic behaviour. In many cases, as will
be
discussed, it is positively encouraged. Advancing an understanding of
how
digital interfaces are being played
with, and especially, as being played casually and daily (rather than in any 'magic' game space) has
therefore become a primary concern. Interfaces are not
simplistic
windows into an isolated realm (cf.
Manovich, 2001)
but instead are enablers of general, social practices (Galloway,
2012).
As such there is a politics to their design, functionality and
deployment.
Within
the ludic turn more specific changes have
been noted. One is ‘gamification’ (Bogost,
2011; Deterding et al., 2011; Mosca,
2012).
The
adoption of game-like mechanics, rules, modes and structures for
everyday tasks
is now widespread, although only recently taken up in the field of
digital
mapping, for example. Those who contribute to collaborative mapping
platforms
such as OpenStreetMap (OSM) can use an application called Kort to carry
out missions
collecting ‘koins’ and badges to rise up a leaderboard,
which in turn, improves
the validity of the OSM database. Humanitarian volunteers looking to
contribute
in the aftermath of natural disasters can also now do so digitally via
a
platform called MicroMappers. Each case is a step-change from how the
process
of digital map editing has historically been performed.
But
in
the context of automotive practice, the possibility of 'cognitive
distraction'
(AAA, 2013) from mobile application interaction whilst driving has
provided a
level of concern not present in other debates (Roose, 2013; Richtel and
Vlasic,
2013), even if recent legal ruling has deemed their use whilst driving
acceptable under certain conditions1.
Design prototypes such
as
Matthaeus Krenn's 'New Car UI' (2014)2
suggest that new
modes of
interaction are necessary to combat this perceived distraction whilst
driving. 'Social
navigation', then, is perhaps a tentative evolution stretching the
limits of
current statutory frameworks, cultural norms and acceptable levels of
bodily
attention.
A
second, complimentary shift that the ludic turn has cast attention
towards is
the growing casualness of game-playing itself (Juul,
2009).
Distinguishing
casual games from ‘hardcore’ games as Abt (1987) and
Ritterfeld et al. (2009) have, allowed for a
deeper understanding of how ‘gaming capital’ is built-up (Consalvo,
2007)
and
play conventions are acquired (Pargman
and Jakobsson, 2008).
Typically casual games are defined by
low barriers to entry (easy to pick-up), incremental progress (lots of
short
levels), forgiveness towards player mistakes and the use of
‘social mechanics’,
such as the option to invite or compare results with friends on social
networking sites (Juul,
2009).
Additionally, they
often include 'micro-payments' to unlock bonus content as opposed to
traditional
‘pay-once for everything' models.
The
growth of mobile platforms - smartphones and tablets - has contributed
greatly
to their uptake. Playing the best-selling Angry Birds game for 2 hours
a month,
as creator Peter Vesterbacka suggests many do, would only amount to
around 4
minutes of play a day (Braw, 2013). A significantly lower figure than
just
about any traditional console game, and one that suggests many simply
play such
games to 'kill time' in between other tasks, as Bouca (2012: 7) finds.
As such,
these casual gamers portray a relatively different set of attributes
and
interests to other long-form players. The titles they play stand at the
far end
of a long gaming continuum, with the vast, immersive (and
'hardcore’) worlds of
Halo and Bioshock at the other end.
Just
as digital maps have allowed us to capture, track and store the records
of
quotidian interactions and expressions, so games have become embedded
within,
and arguably transformed everyday life, constituting a gamification of
common
rituals (Kort as map editing game)
and a casualness of the game-playing itself (Kort as a
smartphone optimised
editing platform). The fact that many games make use of maps as their
playing
boards, whether imagined (Total War, Civilization) or through the
utilisation
of location-based data (Ingress, Zombies, Run!) (Lammes 2011), only
underscores
how digital mapping and gaming share common interface characteristics.
The
Grand Theft Auto (GTA) series is perhaps the most obvious example of
this
commonality. As Chesher (2013: 316) suggests, both satellite navigation
interfaces and contemporary video games are primed to do three similar
things;
reify route-making, subjectively orientate action, and normalise the
overlay of
'real-time' data. Gameplay in open world titles such as GTA is
non-linear,
allowing players to roam freely and complete tasks at will.
The
adoption of touch-screen interfaces embodies a drastic turn in the
nature of
digital game-playing, map editing and technological driving assistance.
The
intuitive and ludic nature of capacitive sensing technologies (Verhoeff,
2009)
as
well as the possibility of tentative, probing and proximal interaction
with such
mobile devices (Paterson,
2007)
have led to their now-almost ubiquitous presence. In allowing for
quicker and,
arguably, more intuitive control in everyday situations (driving
included) such
interfaces utilise playful bodily action as a mechanism for increased
coherence
in habitual practices such as scrolling menus, issuing commands and
selecting
phenomena. A plethora of new tactile strokes, sweeps and taps are
steadily and
qualitatively replacing the metronymic and calculative clicks of
computer mice,
keys and other vehicular dashboard controls.
The
touch-screen
interface is a ‘thin, but essential and visible membrane’ (Verhoeff,
2012)
at once inviting seemingly
inconsequential moves whilst actualising wider cognitive, cultural and
'micro-political'
potentialities. Both gamification and casualisation are dependent upon
this
precept. The new driving landscapes that arise from such interaction
are similarly
transparent and innocuous, but nonetheless shape and direct the actions
of everyday
drivers. To illustrate, next we will examine the social navigation
application
Waze.
Hazards,
Flows and Issues: Outsmarting Traffic Through Collaboration
Unlike
standard GPS software, Waze populates the driving interface around a
constellation of fellow drivers. As a smartphone application it
competes with
the standalone device market (TomTom, Garmin etc.) and other free
turn-by-turn
applications such as Navfree. In 2012, Waze had a global community of
36
million drivers, sharing a total of 90 million traffic reports, and
driving a
collective 6 billion miles. 65,000 map editors also made 500 million
map edits,
reflecting 1.7 million on-the-ground changes (Waze,
2013a).
OSM by comparison, had just fewer than
100,000 editors in 2012 making 800 million edits (OpenStreetMap,
2013).
But
as alluded to in the introduction, it is not necessarily easy to make a
clean
split between those who 'produce' the map, those who 'edit' the map and
those
who 'consume' the map. It is easier, rather, to conceive of a kind of
data feedback
loop, where Waze users contribute - knowingly and unknowingly - through
active driving,
desktop editing and passive metadata collection. These feed back into
future
route-calculation. The data gleaned helps to not only build up a vast
picture
of the journeys made with Waze, but also the state of the road network
in
general.
The
application's mechanics thus have a circulatory function, as user
action builds
a more comprehensive database. But as the database updates so does the
digital
map. The status of roads, the designation of speed limits, the set-up
of
junctions and vehicle restrictions are all changeable based on user
data. Due
to this active enrolment the digital map itself does not serve as a
mere
representation of the road ahead: it transforms the very driving world
itself. It
becomes a ‘mutable mobile’ (Kitchin
and Dodge, 2007; Lammes, 2008)
- an object capable
of changing shape and moving across territory - rather than being an immutable mobile (Latour, 1986) as maps
have traditionally been conceived as. Other satellite navigation
systems
present the driving world as an immutable 'base map' upon which to
plant the
individual driver. But this world is bare and lifeless; phenomena are
rendered
foundational but unerringly quiet and impervious to change. The driver
simply
glides over the surface with no knowledge of what is
“below”, let alone with
the possibility of altering it. In the Waze world the digital map
exists on the
same ontological plane as the road environment itself - as a fluid,
transportable object.
Road
hazards, vehicle flow and map issues, for example – three
dimensions of the
Waze driving experience – all exist on this same active platform;
open and malleable
to the driver. They are dynamics that feed into this data loop between
driver,
database and map. Thus, this form of satellite-aided navigation is a
performative act that does not relegate the map to a secondary level
beneath
the ‘real driving world’ of asphalt, traffic lights and
junctions. Ludic mechanics are central to
how our primary
example encourages this performance with the mobile interface and
reconfigures
the act of driving. This reorganization, we argue, has a distinct
political
dimension as drivers are gifted the ability to fundamentally change the
driving
landscape as they travel through it, challenging the way in which we
have
historically relied on state agencies to provide us with information on
road
conditions.
Reporting
Hazards
One
of
the main features of Waze is the ability to identify hazards. Spotting
potential dangers for other users (or 'Wazers') is not just a handy
addition to
an otherwise social tool however, but a potentially valuable driving
aid. These
notifications ameliorate the disruption caused by three types of
hazard: obstructions,
distractions and anticipatory impediments. Obstructions provide direct
dangers
(debris, barriers), distractions are indirect and usually visual
disturbances
with the potential to become driving dangers (live animals, bad
weather),
whilst anticipatory impediments affect the ability of the driver to
make
upcoming judgments (stationary vehicles, missing road signs). Although
these driving
hazards are the product of loose interpretations, with their existence
precarious, users are nevertheless instructed to pin the incident down.
Once
submitted the hazard is placed on the map as a geo-located
‘pop-up’ message.
This codification is vital for collective map use. It renders a
(relatively)
solid, isolated and verified incident upon which to act. As
encouragement, Waze
users receive a number of points for their contribution of a hazard,
and similar
to consumer reward schemes and videogame 'combo' moves, additional
bonuses are
available for greater contributions such as detailed descriptions,
photo
evidence and weekend notifications.
Altering
Flow
In
addition users can also collectively affect vehicle movement, direction
and
flow by closing existing roads, verifying nascent routes and opening up
entirely
new ones. Although traditional satellite navigation systems are capable
of
keeping users up-to-date with road information that adds to an already
existing
map (TomTom’s Live Traffic etc.), Waze is unique in its
crowdsourcing of wholesale
map recalibrations. As mentioned earlier, users have to be live drivers
to make
changes, although passive (meta)data collection does, as mentioned
earlier,
take place (Couts, 2013). Navigational assistance for other drivers is
therefore grounded in the performative act of driving (or
‘Wazing’ as it is
known), and alterations cannot be made either by desktop or without GPS
and a data
signal3.
This
interaction between the existing (imperfect) map as noticed through the
Waze
interface and the unaligned driving world as seen through the vehicle
windscreen provides the catalyst for contribution. Road closures can be
attributed to an on-road hazard (car crash, fallen tree), a
construction job
(road re-surfacing, underground repairs) or a local event (marathon,
street
party, protest march). Users make the selection by tapping the
appropriate
direction of the closure on the Waze driving map, and ‘no
entry’ symbols notify
others of the diversion. Unlike the previous hazard category, flow
incidents
are shown as linear overlays rather than isolated symbols. This allows
active
drivers to take heed of automatically re-calculated paths once the map
is
updated to reflect the changes. Wazers can also ‘thank’ the
initial user
reporting the issue in much the same way Facebook users can 'like' a
post and
Twitter users can 'favorite' messages. These tactile interactions on
the
smartphone screen render playful, casual interaction with the platform
as
default.
Routes
that have been imported into the Waze database or created in the Waze
Map
Editor can also be verified by drivers in a process called 'road
munching'. In
an unverified state these roads show up as sequential dots as opposed
to a single,
continuous line, but as drivers trace the route they ‘munch'
these dots akin to
Pacman characters, successfully turning them into completed, verified
and
drivable routes for other users (Waze,
2013c).
Similarly,
Wazers can bring new driving worlds into being directly
through the 'road recording' function. By comparison, OSM
editors are required to use applications such as OSMTracker or a
traditional
GPS receiver to record new tracks, and edits still have to be uploaded
through
JOSM, Potlach or another OSM editor. Drivers using traditional
satellite
navigation devices do not possess this 'real-time' editorial
capability, but Waze
users are able to map new roads live and on the move4.
Wazing,
road munching and road recording are actions populating, verifying and
building
a live navigational environment through collaborative driving
performance. On
this evidence Waze is more than simply an addition or ‘aid’
to the driving
experience: it is a direct agent in the act of driving itself. The
ability to
open, close and verify roads on a map interface has heretofore existed
as a
preserve of either state agencies or satellite navigation companies.
This shift
in agency is therefore a significant one. Whilst many other aspects of
society
have been transformed by open, collaborative and citizen-led agendas,
the
driving world is relatively late to the party. Waze represents the most
advanced example of this shift to date.
Flagging
Issues
As
a
final dynamic, users can also flag navigational issues. The Waze
application
allows users to report map errors whilst driving, with reports linked
directly
to the location of the error via GPS. These performative edits are
based on the
habitual know-how of drivers. If users believe the Waze map has a
problem they
are permitted to raise a concern. Common issues ranging from forbidden
turns
and incorrect junctions to missing bridges, overpasses or exits are
pre-listed,
but users are also given space in order to detail a more specific, or
irregular
error. But unlike the ‘external’ hazards discussed
previously, the 'internal' map
issues function progressively updates the application itself.
Rather
than dedicating time and energy to large swathes of track uploads as is
routine
in many collaborative mapping projects, users can clean up map errors
as they drive.
Although missing roads can be live-mapped by Wazers desiring to travel
the
unpaved route, the map issue function allows drivers to flag up
potential
errors for others to investigate. Rewards range depending on
prolificacy, offering
users a reason to alert others to errors they might otherwise ignore.
As a
specific example, Waze offers up candy treats for drivers willing to
verify map
data; planting bonuses in cul-de-sacs and other side-roads to tempt
them, with the
points contributing to the same general scoreboard as hazard reports,
distance
milestones and road munches. Once again, the users' avatars gobble
these 'goodies'
up in a Pacman-fashion, with varying totals based on the scarcity of
particular
treats.
Casting
a critical lens on this practice, it could be suggested that such
‘gameful
design’ (Deterding
et al., 2011),
rather than
providing a kind of playful, emancipatory service, in fact simply masks
a volunteered,
mass data-collection practice for a major digital technology enterprise
(now a
division of Google Inc.) as 'fun' and somehow socially rewarding.
Participating
in the mapping of road networks users are led to believe they are
contributing
to a common, driving public. Whilst messages received through the
application
imploring users to 'always drive with Waze open' might be characterised
as
helpful tips to aid use in the spirit of this common, driving public,
they also,
arguably, constitute efforts to ensure Wazers contribute full and
extensive
streams of driver data to the Waze/Google servers for exclusive
advertising purposes
(Couts, 2013).
Alerting
other drivers to accidents or hidden police vehicles, for example, are
part of
culturally ingrained driving practices. Such efforts to help
collaboratively
alert others to road accidents, render new routes, or flag map errors
on a
smartphone interface are simply seen as mere extensions of these
historical
actions. But courtesy of the game mechanics deployed in applications
such as
Waze, coupled with their casual use on a smartphone device, error
reporting arguably
becomes an embedded and naturalised interaction - a 'technological
unconscious'
(Thrift, 2004) - rather than a forced action associated with
traditional forms
of labour. This hybrid practice being what Julian
Kücklich (2005) has famously termed 'playbour'. As a new
field of
politicised action, this ludic interactivity permits a wholly different
- and
perhaps pernicious - force.
Each
of the above exemplifies a new kind of automobile tactic; a new way of
attending to the disturbances, disruptions and hazards in the driving
world.
Historically drivers have been unable to have any effect on the
collection,
verification and visualization of road data, aside from passive
participation
in the network itself. But as applications such as Waze have embedded
themselves into everyday spatial routines, collectively involving users
in the
creation of such publics, there have been radical alterations to the
contemporary
driving experience.
Mapping
Futures
In
this paper we have suggested a rise of so-called social navigation. But
as
future driving worlds increasingly look fully-automated - with
driverless
vehicles, mechanical parking systems and all manner of sensor-mediated
technologies - will this become somewhat oxymoronic? Or, as perhaps we
argue,
will the present technological preference for social platforms become
further
integrated into future driving experiences? Our two-fold analysis has
enabled
us to tease out the nascent dynamics. In the first instance, we have
argued
that ludic interaction is increasingly - thanks to the simultaneous
rise of
both touch-screen devices and social platforms - the default mode for
automotive navigation. The multi-touch gestures routinely demanded by
satellite
navigation systems are replacing the metronomic clicks of plastic
console buttons,
or the circular motion of radio volume and airflow dials. As a way of
engaging
individuals, social navigation applications such as Waze incorporate
many of
the ludic features more commonly witnessed in the gaming world.
In
the second, we have then contended that this ludic interactivity is
breeding a
new kind of political action; one premised on the everyday practice of
driving-with-devices. Although we do not necessarily suggest that other
political
tropes (vehicle as inscribed status object, carbon emitter etc.) do not
provide
appropriate frameworks for automotive study, we do argue that the rise
of social
navigation is a novel development with the potential to provide rich
empirically-focused work. As has been briefly detailed, Waze engages
its user through
a satellite navigation interface that prompts them to report
hazards, alter flows and flag issues. Each dynamic
affects the act of driving, as well as the constellation of other
drivers. It
brings new driving-worlds and ‘driver-car’ assemblages into
being (Dant,
2004).
Thus
it underlines the act of driving as materially political; as the
practice of
affecting the very geographical possibilities of automobile use through
interactive play with the smartphone device. To understand these
nascent
processes we require a different hybrid view on the nature of driving,
navigation and the social; one that takes into account the casual,
habitual and
the playful.
Acknowledgements:
A
previous version of this work was presented at the International
Cartographic
Conference 2013, in Dresden. The authors wish to thank comments from
the
audience during the 'Playing with Maps' session in particular. Of
course, any
errors contained within are solely our responsibility.
Funding:
This
research has received funding from the European Research Council under
the
European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) / ERC
Grant
agreement no. 283464.
Notes:
1 The Californian Court of
Appeal overturned an earlier
conviction of
a man originally found guilty for using his Apple iPhone map
application whilst
driving. See: http://articles.latimes.com/2013/apr/25/local/la-me-abcarian-distracted-driving-20130426
on an initial appeal, and the final Court of Appeal decision here: http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/F066927.PDF.
2
See: http://matthaeuskrenn.com/new-car-ui/.
3
Desktop edits can be
made through the Waze Map Editor, but this is
also dependent upon the locations driven in the past 3-4 months (Waze,
2013b).
4
Users are still
prompted to add metadata via a desktop editor.
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